The result
of the British General Election partly confirmed my earlier post in which I
said Labour Leader Jeremy Corbyn had no chance of winning.
It was an
easy prediction to make. Corbyn was perceived by many to be an old-style
leftie, set in the ways of public ownership and centralised Government in a
world which had moved away from those ideologies.
Moreover,
his irritating fence-sitting over whether Britain should leave the European Union
had alienated both Brixiteers and Remainers. Trying to be all things to all
people, in the end meant he was nothing to anyone on this central issue of the
campaign.
Where I
got it wrong was my doubt over whether Prime Minister Boris Johnson would get a
majority.
Here I was
expecting a much better showing from the Liberal Democrats, the one party who throughout
its history has supported membership of the European Union.
I thought
this would resonate with enough Remain voters for the Liberal Democrats to pick
up seats and hold the balance of power in the next Parliament.
Instead
the party won a miserable 11 seats and its leader, Jo Swinson, lost hers.
While it
is often said that a week is a long time in politics, in searching for the
reasons why the Lib Dems failed to break through as a realistic third power and
kingmaker in this election, it is necessary to go back almost a decade.
In 2010 the
party was riding high with 57 seats and 23 per cent of the vote in the recently
completed General Election. The Conservatives, led by David Cameron, had the
most seats, but was short of an absolute majority.
After
considerable thought the Lib Dems’ leader, Nick Clegg went into coalition with
Cameron — it was to prove a fateful decision.
The
Conservatives’ central plank was fiscal responsibility after what they
considered to be years of wasteful spending under Labour. Among their targets
was university tuition fees which they wanted to raise.
The
Liberal Democrats had campaigned on the promise they would not raise the fees;
Clegg had signed a pledge with the National Union of Students that the party
would have none of it, yet in Government he supported the raise.
So the
fees went up and Clegg and his party went into sharp decline.
That
decision was all the more devastating because with the two major parties moving
slowly but steadily towards their extremes, the Lib Dems were finding a
centralist role among the moderate middle classes.
Their
support was strongest among student activists and academics in the university
towns.
As Cameron
explains in his recent book, For The
Record: “Their tuition-fee reversal was also the worst type of broken
promise: The type you break by actively
going back on your word, rather than by failing to meet a target that you have
set.
“In my
view, that type is far more serious, and will be seen as such by the voters.”
So it was:
In the 2015 General Election the Liberal Democrats shrunk to just eight seats
and Clegg, belatedly apologising for the tuition fee reversal, resigned.
I believe
the party was right to side with the Conservatives in 2010 rather than prop up
a tired Labour administration that had been in office for 13 years. However, a
full coalition, despite its glittering prize of Ministerial rewards, was a
mistake.
An agreement
involving a promise to always vote on ‘supply’ of finances so the Government
could do its job — and at least abstain on any votes of no confidence, would
have been sufficient.
In that
way only the Conservatives would have worn the criticism for their unpopular
measures and the Lib Dems would have kept faith with their supporters.
This
latest poll shows the Liberal Democrats have failed to mend fences and have yet
to regain the trust of those who once put their faith in them.
For those
of us who believe that Brexit will be disastrous for the UK, it is the true
tragedy of this election.
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