In 1648
warring factions gathered in the Westphalian cities of Osnabruck and Munster to
negotiate what would become the known as the Peace of Westphalia.
The
resulting treaties ended one of the most devastating conflicts in human
history, the 30 Years War.
Essentially
fought over religion — with one or two side issues — the war turned central
Europe into a wasteland. Around eight million people had died, what is now
modern Germany had lost 20 per cent of its population.
Food
production was disrupted, towns and cities lay in ruins, famine and plague were
rampant.
Finally
the antagonists, the Holy Roman Empire on one side and a league of Protestant
countries on the other, realised this could not go on. A new order had to be
established, one based not on religious affiliation, which often ebbed and
flowed across regions, but on firmly established national borders.
This in
essence is the Peace of Westphalia, based on the concept that a nation’s domestic
conduct and institutions are its own affair, into which no other State should
interfere.
In 1648
this made absolute sense. Large parts of the continent were in urgent need of
reconstruction and it seemed reasonable that rulers would use and care for the
populations under their control so this could be achieved.
It was
also believed that a series of independent sovereign States would ‘balance
themselves out’ so that one nation would never be able to dominate others.
The flaws
in this thinking were exposed by the Napoleonic wars of the 19th
century and shattered by the two ruinous world wars of the 20th. As
well, it has been proved time and again that rulers are not necessarily benign
towards their own populations.
Hitler in
Germany and Stalin in the Soviet Union are prime examples of the atrocities
committed by Governments to peoples in territories under their control.
Contemporary
examples of the Westphalian doctrine being misused include China and its
persecution of the Uyghurs, Myanmar and the Rohingya, Syria and anyone who
dares to question the despotic regime of Bashar al-Assad.
New ways
had to be found and in the years after World War II the idea of shared sovereignty
began to emerge, initially with the Treaty of Rome that brought into being what
later evolved into the European Union.
The
concept was simple: If national leaders sit around the conference table — not
in response to some looming crisis, but on a regular and continuing basis —
they are more likely to thrash out their differences without resorting to
grandstanding and threats.
A
structure based on familiarity and, indeed, friendship between the
representatives of the various participants was more likely to lead to
cooperation and willingness to compromise.
It has
worked.
In the
EU’s 63-year history there has not been a single war within its borders. Given
the events of the previous 63 years, this has been a signature achievement.
The
example of the EU is being copied at an admittedly much slower pace, in
organisations such as the African Union, Mercosur in South America and, until
the destructive policies of an America First United States President, NAFTA in
North America.
Today this
movement towards continental groupings is under threat by a tide of nationalism
whose leaders proclaim its failings (and there are many) while conveniently
forgetting its achievements.
It is this
deliberate misreading of the facts that led to the 2016 referendum in which
Britons voted by a narrow margin in favour of ending the country’s membership
of the EU.
It is only
after three years of preparation for leaving that many of the UK’s citizens
realise the huge advantages of membership, and that their very wellbeing and
prosperity, taken for granted over more than four decades, is about to be
snatched away.
With the
Government currently in the hands of a hard-line faction determined to press
ahead with withdrawal no matter what, options for a rethink before the leave
deadline of October 31 are increasingly limited.
The UK
will pay a heavy price for its rejection of economic and political partnership.
Westphalia has had its day.
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