During a career
in which I have been able to observe political systems around the world, I always
harboured a special affection for that of the United States.
It seemed
that the checks and balances built in by the framers of the US Constitution back
in the 18th century and its subsequent amendments were as near a
perfect design for the stable and harmonious workings of a democratic system
that humankind could devise.
How wrong
I was.
I had
fallen into the trap of thinking that the system was all powerful, imposing
restraints and boundaries upon those who operated within it. It had, after all,
resisted invasions, a civil war, two bloody all-encompassing 20th
century conflicts and a host of smaller, but no less vicious foreign adventures
as well as the Great Depression.
It has
taken the headlong sprint of technology and the Trump White House to reveal
that the system is, in fact, a fragile thing, dependent on the good character
of generations of people of goodwill for it to function smoothly. Today its
faults are revealed by those who refuse to operate it as it has been operated
in the past; in some cases to even acknowledge its existence.
What is
needed in the US today, and what it patently lacks, is a cohesive political
opposition. There is no one figure in the party currently out of power, the
Democrats, under whom it can mount a cohesive alternative to the president.
There is no leader of the opposition.
The
defeated Democrat Presidential candidate, Hillary Clinton, is on the lecture
circuit; of the figures in office that might perform this role, Senate Minority
Leader Chuck Schumer and his House of Representative counterpart Nancy Pelosi,
are ageing and uninspiring.
Presumably
newcomers will emerge in a general flexing of muscles as the 2020 election
season nears, but that is still many months away, and anyway the candidates
will spend most of the time fighting each other before a clear front-runner emerges.
It has
fallen to the media to perform the role of opposition and critic to the Trump
White House, but journalists are always susceptible to the criticism of “power
without responsibility”, or to frame it in the president’s more simple
language, purveyors of “fake news”.
An example
of how desperate the situation has become can be seen in the increasing numbers
of Republicans who have become critical of their own president. Chief among
them is former presidential candidate John McCain whose attempts to provide an
alternative to Trump’s barrage of anger and spite has drawn derision and in the
case of the nominee to head the CIA, Gina Haspel a comment which has quite
rightly been described as “insanely despicable”.
American constitutional
government worked well when it was respected by those who used it, when liberal
Republicans and conservative Democrats could cooperate with each other on the presidential
agenda of whoever happened to hold the White House.
Today the
flood of executive orders; of hirings and firings; of direct appeals to the mob
over the heads of lawmakers, has demonstrated fundamental flaws in the body
politic.
The much
maligned Westminster Parliamentary system is often messy and chaotic, but at
least those in power must meet their critics face-to-face a few metres apart in
the debating chamber, where the alternative Government and those who might lead
it, are on display every day.
Perhaps
there are other better ways of conducting democracy, but in the days of the
Trump White House, I have no idea what they might be. Answers must be found
because the alternatives on show in many nations around the world are
unthinkable.
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