Wherever we
look in the crisis-torn Middle East today we see Iran.
In Yemen it
is backing the Houthi rebel side against a Government supported by its foe,
Saudi Arabia; its presence in Syria was the initial factor in turning the tide
of civil war in favour of President Bashar al-Assad. It supports Hezbollah in
Lebanon and Hamas in the Palestinian Territories. Israel repeatedly describes
Iran as its biggest threat in the region.
Iran’s rise
as a major regional power has upset the balance in the Middle East. Since
successfully repelling the Western-armed forces of Iraq’s Saddam Hussein in the
1980-88 war, it has been gradually spreading its military and economic
influence.
In this it
was hugely assisted by the 2003 United States-led invasion of Iraq that finally
removed Saddam and brought Iraq into the Iranian sphere of influence.
One only
has to look at the map to see how will placed Iran is to promote its cause. It
shares borders with Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq and Turkey. It is within
striking range of Saudi Arabia and the other Arab States across the Persian
Gulf.
The fear in
Middle Eastern capitals and in Washington is that it is determined to be the
region’s hegemonic power – a proposition that is intolerable among its rivals
for religious and strategic reasons.
Yet in
Teheran this development is seen as breaking out of the isolation forced on it
by the Western powers and its Sunni Muslim neighbours in the wake of the 1979
Islamic Revolution — a perfectly reasonable
attempt to regain some of the prestige lost by the old Persian Empire.
Its
investment in nuclear power, which Israel constantly reminds the world could
lead to the development of nuclear weapons, along with the development of a
ballistic missile program, are major planks in a strategy to ensure the
integrity of the Islamic State is never again threatened either by its
neighbours or the West.
Iran’s intervention
in the Syrian Civil War to support a major ally in the region was an inevitable
result of this strategy, and its success in halting what seemed to be an
inevitable rebel victory would have been one of the factors that inspired
Russian President Vladimir Putin, also short of allies in this part of the
world, to throw his cap into the ring in support of Assad.
Internally,
Iran experiments with a form of democracy, however flawed, and has a limited
acceptance of dissent, in contrast to the strictly autocratic regimes of other
nations in its neighbourhood, most notably Washington’s staunch ally, Saudi
Arabia.
If
stability is ever to come to the Middle East there has to be acceptance of Iran
as one of the region’s major players; that it has a right to a peaceful nuclear
program and to pursue development that will increase the living standards of
its 80 million people.
However,
there must also be recognition from Tehran that its actions – which it sees as
purely defensive – are perceived by its neighbours and the United States as
threatening and aggressive. Fundamentally, it must accept that Israel is part
of the region and will not be going away.
It is time
for all parties to recognise that Iran cannot be dismissed as just one more
Middle East problem. It has to be part of the solution.
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