Jakarta
has now aligned itself with the Philippines, Malaysia, Vietnam and Taiwan, all
of which have asserted their rights against China’s on various islets and
shoals as well as the fishing grounds – and possible rich hydrocarbon fields –
surrounding them.
In
doing so it finally recognises that China’s land grab does include at least
some of the islands in the Natuna Chain. Indonesia administers the islands as
part of its Riau Province. Without the naval capacity to resist its giant
neighbour, Jakarta has relied on quiet diplomacy supported by the United
Nations Convention of the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS) to keep Beijing at bay.
However,
it is now faced with the example of the Philippines which sought to seek
arbitration using UNCLOS for its dispute with China over the ownership of Ren’ai
Reef. Beijing refused to take part, stating it was a matter of sovereignty that
could be settled only by “direct negotiation”.
If
a UNCLOS Tribunal goes ahead and rules in the Philippines’ favour, China will
ignore it, Beijing stated.
As
recently as last month, Indonesia’s new Ambassador to China, Sugeng Tahardjo,
was hailing cooperation between the two countries that would bring benefits to
the entire region.
“Indonesia-China
relations are solid, mutually beneficial and continuously growing,” Sugeng
said.
It
appears that this cooperation will not be extending to a speedy resolution of
the Natuna dispute.
In
recent times Indonesian Coastguard attempts to detain Chinese fishing boats
working in its Exclusive Economic Zone have been resisted by armed naval
vessels. Beijing, on the other hand, has declared a fishing ban on foreign
vessels around Hainan Island that takes in more than half of the entire South
China Sea. The final straw has come with a Chinese decision to declare an Air
Defence Identification Zone over the South China Sea similar to one already in
place over the East China Sea.
Writing
in the PacNet Newsletter, Associate
Professor Ann Marie Murphy of Seton Hall University in the United States calls Indonesia’s
new tactics “a game changer”.
“With
Indonesia officially contesting China’s claim, the strategic ambiguity that had
allowed Indonesia to position itself as a mediator between China and its ASEAN
partners has been lost,” Professor Murphy says.
“Precisely
how events will unfold cannot be predicted but tensions in the South China Sea
are likely to rise further.”
At
stake here is not just the ownership of a few rocks, but the entire
international framework governing disputes between nations. Gregory Poling of
the US Centre for Strategic and International Studies sums it up when he says
if China, by virtue of size or force of arms, is free to ignore that framework,
then the entire edifice risks being discredited.
“No
nation, China included, would find its security and prosperity better served by
a return to the pre-20th century system of might-makes-right
relations,” Pollard says.
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