Public opinion polls in the
United States consistently have President Donald Trump trailing Democratic
challenger Joe Biden by an average of four per cent, in some cases as high as
seven — so everything points to a change of Government in November. Right?
Wrong.
This is not to say that Biden
won’t win, but simply polling the voting choices of individual Americans is not
the way to predict the outcome of this election.
Trump could still be four
points, even seven points behind in the popular vote on Election Day and still
retain the presidency by a handy margin.
The reason lies in one of the
strangest indirect systems of choosing a leader that has been devised — the
Electoral College.
Americans may think they are
voting for either Trump or Biden, but in fact they are voting for a member of
this Electoral College in their State who may, in turn, vote for their choice —
or not.
These electors, equalling the
number of seats in the Senate and the House of Representatives for their particular
State, will meet about a month later and their votes, and their votes alone,
decide the presidency.
It would not be so bad if their
voting pattern reflected that of the electorate at large, but sometimes it
doesn’t. This is because no matter how close the race is in their state they
cast all their votes for the candidate that finished ahead.
Whether that margin was just by
a handful of votes, or by a landslide, it does not matter. In all but two of the
states, the votes of the Electoral College are delivered on a winner-takes-all
basis.
So it is easy to see how a
candidate that won a plurality by small majorities in a significant number of
States can defeat the candidate that won other States by big margins that puts
them ahead on the overall national vote.
It happened in 2016 when Hillary
Clinton gained 65.8 million votes to Trump’s 62.9 million, and was still
beaten, quite handily in the Electoral College 304-227.
It has been argued countless
times since about how the pollsters got it wrong. They didn’t. Their
predictions were spot on.
The problem was that they were
asking individuals how they would vote when the election was going to be
decided by other means. They were comparing apples with oranges.
How has this potentially
undemocratic way of choosing a leader in what is supposed to be the world’s
greatest democracy come about?
To understand it we need to
look back at the nation’s Founding Fathers who drew up the country’s
Constitution in the wake of the successful war of Independence against the
British.
History has tended to
romanticise this group as champions of democracy and the rights of man. They
were anything but.
They were aristocrats; many
were slave owners and having expelled the British ruling class were intent on
filling the void.
As men of property, they
considered that unrestrained democracy would be as bad as the tyranny they had
just ousted; that giving equal votes to all would threaten their standing,
their possessions, even their lives.
So putting men of discernment
between themselves and the mob would mitigate their greatest fear of pure
democracy — that the uneducated and unsophisticated masses might elect a
demagogue who would sweep away their wealth and privileges.
Given the complicated processes
needed to effect a change in the US Constitution it is hard to see anything
different happening soon, but agitation will and should continue to abolish
this antiquated system with its roots in factors that have no relevance to the citizenry
of a powerful world state in the 21st century.
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