One of the less reported impacts of United States President Donald
Trump’s mercurial romp across the world stage (at least in the Western media)
is the confusion it has sown amongst Indian policymakers.
Until this year, New Delhi had been moving steadily away from its old
ally, Russia and towards closer ties with Washington. Now, after months of wild
inconsistency and policy-on-the-run from the White House there is a reluctant
re-think.
There were many good reasons for the original diplomatic shift. While the
Soviet Union had been the main supplier of defence material through much of India’s
early history, its Russian successor had become an increasingly unreliable
partner.
The most significant example of this was the purchase of the aircraft
carrier Vikramaditya from Russia, originally
negotiated in the mid-1990s. The vessel
was not delivered until 2012, then its planes, also purchased from Russia, were
found to be plagued with defects.
With China’s increasingly aggressive stance on its borders, the
penetration of the PLA Navy into the Indian Ocean, and Beijing’s increasing
cosiness with traditional Indian foe Pakistan, New Delhi needed a more reliable
friend.
With the 2014 election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, unencumbered with
Russian baggage, Washington, and to a lesser extent the European Union, were
seen as the answer.
In a detailed survey of the Indo-US relationship for Future Directions International, Researcher Lindsay Hughes said the
Administration of then US President Barack Obama was receptive to these
overtures, to the point that the Pentagon set up an India-centric cell aimed at
speeding defence ties and the co-production of military equipment.
“Between 2011 and 2014 the United States overtook Russia as India’s
largest supplier of weapons systems,” Hughes notes.
“It was expected that Obama’s presumed successor, Hillary Clinton, would
continue to nurture US-India ties. The election of Donald Trump as President
has, however, upset that calculous.”
While Trump appears to have no love of Pakistan, which he has accused of
harbouring terrorists, he has also made claims that India was trying to suck billions
of dollars in foreign aid as its price of participation in the Paris Climate
Change Agreement — a charge that New Delhi has angrily denied.
While arms deals will continue with American companies such as Lockheed
Martin and Boeing — something the America First President will certainly not
interfere with, it appears that any favourable sales terms at a government
level are on the back burner.
All of which has pushed India back towards Moscow’s orbit, with a number
of agreements signed in Modi’s recent visit to St Petersburg, during which
Russian President Vladimir Putin declared that his country “would always
support India in its fight against terrorism” — a not too veiled reference to
New Delhi’s problems with Pakistan.
As Hughes sees it: “The present Indo-Russian relationship will continue
for the foreseeable future.”
Simply because Washington under Trump is not the reliable partner India
needs as it confronts the increasing activities of China in its own backyard.
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